China and the Olympic Games
Spiegel interviews Beijing-based artist and Olympics critic Ai Weiwei, 50 about the attempts by the Chinese leadership to exploit the Olympics for their own purposes.
SPIEGEL: You were partly responsible for designing the Olympic Stadium, the so-called "Bird's Nest." Why are you now criticizing the Olympic Games?
Ai Weiwei: The government wants to use these games to celebrate itself and its policy of opening up China. But there isn't anything to celebrate. The political system is incapable of handling economic and social change. Now the system that caused these problems in the first place is struggling to remain in power. And who pays the price? Every individual in this society.
SPIEGEL: When the games were awarded to Beijing, many people hoped that China would also open up politically. Were you one of them?
Ai: China wants to be part of the world and to share its values. This is an important step for a society that has isolated itself for so long. That's why we were optimistic. By now, it has become clear to me that this hope of liberalization cannot be fulfilled.
SPIEGEL: Why not?
Ai: The system won't allow it. The party officials are using this opportunity to repair streets, build houses and clean up neighborhoods. Corruption is flourishing in the process. But people no longer have any confidence in this system and are no longer enthusiastic about it. No autocracy can lead people to believe that they are living in harmony and happiness. The games are a propaganda show, a giant masked ball. The outcome will be endless nonsense and boredom.
SPIEGEL: Were there consequences to your critical statements on the Internet?
Ai: The Internet is the best thing that could have happened to China. The Internet police ordered the provider sina.com to delete certain articles I had written. When I threatened to cancel my blogs, the articles remained online. But now many of my friends are warning me, telling me that I'm stupid and that they'll come to get me one day.
SPIEGEL: Will they?
Ai: I have no idea, and I don't care. I don't look into the future. I want to say what I have to say, and say it now.
SPIEGEL: Other critics of the Olympics have been arrested. Why haven't you?
Ai: I ask myself the same question. Maybe because I'm alone. I don't belong to any political group and am pretty much outside the system. The leadership has other problems. Besides, I am an artist. Artists are already seen as slightly crazy. Some say that I've been spared because of my father.
SPIEGEL: Your father was a famous poet.
Ai: But he too was banned for many years and was not permitted to write. Society has developed, and the situation isn't nearly as bad as it was in the past. A few years ago, I would certainly have ended up in prison.
Interview conducted by Andreas Lorenz
Foreign Affairs also has a critical analysis of China and the facade of the Olympic Games.
On the night of July 13, 2001, tens of thousands of people poured into Tiananmen Square to celebrate the International Olympic Committee's decision to award the 2008 Olympic Games to Beijing. Firecrackers exploded, flags flew high, and cars honked wildly. It was a moment to be savored. Chinese President Jiang Zemin and other leaders exhorted the crowds to work together to prepare for the Olympics. "Winning the host rights means winning the respect, trust, and favor of the international community," Wang Wei, a senior Beijing Olympic official, proclaimed. The official Xinhua News Agency reveled in the moment, calling the decision "another milestone in China's rising international status and a historical event in the great renaissance of the Chinese nation."
Hosting the Olympics was supposed to be a chance for China's leaders to showcase the country's rapid economic growth and modernization to the rest of the world. Domestically, it provided an opportunity for the Chinese government to demonstrate the Communist Party's competence and affirm the country's status as a major power on equal footing with the West. And wrapping itself in the values of the Olympic movement gave China the chance to portray itself not only as a rising power but also as a "peace-loving" country. For much of the lead-up to the Olympics, Beijing succeeded in promoting just such a message.
The process of preparing for the Games is tailor-made to display China's greatest political and economic strengths: the top-down mobilization of resources, the development and execution of grand-scale campaigns to reform public behavior, and the ability to attract foreign interest and investment to one of the world's brightest new centers of culture and business. Mobilizing massive resources for large infrastructure projects comes easily to China. Throughout history, China's leaders have drawn on the ingenuity of China's massive population to realize some of the world's most spectacular construction projects, the Great Wall, the Grand Canal, and the Three Gorges Dam among them. The Olympic construction spree has been no different. Beijing has built 19 new venues for the events, doubled the capacity of the subway, and added a new terminal to the airport. Neighborhoods throughout the city have been either spruced up to prepare for Olympic visitors or simply cleared out to make room for new Olympic sites. Official government spending for the construction bonanza is nearing $40 billion. In anticipation of the Olympics, the government has also embarked on a series of efforts to transform individual behavior and modernize the capital city. It has launched etiquette campaigns forbidding spitting, smoking, littering, and cutting in lines and introduced programs to teach English to cab drivers, police officers, hotel workers, and waiters. City officials have used Olympic projects as a means to refurbish decaying buildings and reduce air pollution, water shortages, and traffic jams.
Yet even as Beijing has worked tirelessly to ensure the most impressive of Olympic spectacles, it is clear that the Games have come to highlight not only the awesome achievements of the country but also the grave shortcomings of the current regime. Few in the central leadership seem to have anticipated the extent to which the Olympic Games would stoke the persistent political challenges to the legitimacy of the Communist Party and the stability of the country. Demands for political liberalization, greater autonomy for Tibet, increased pressure on Sudan, better environmental protection, and an improved product-safety record now threaten to put a damper on the country's coming-out party. As the Olympic torch circled the globe with legions of protesters in tow, Beijing's Olympic dream quickly turned into a public-relations nightmare.
Although the Chinese government excels when it comes to infrastructure projects, its record is poor when it comes to transparency, official accountability, and the rule of law. It has responded clumsily to internal and external political challenges -- by initially ignoring the international community's desire for China to play a more active role in resolving the human rights crisis in Darfur, arresting prominent Chinese political activists, and cracking down violently on demonstrators. Although there is no organized opposition unified around this set of demands, the cacophony of voices pressuring China to change its policies has taken much of the luster off of the Beijing Games. Moreover, although the Communist Party has gained domestic support from the nationalist backlash that has arisen in response to the Tibetan protesters and their supporters in the West, it also worries that this public anger will spin out of control, further damaging the country's international reputation. Already, China's coveted image as a responsible rising power has been tarnished.
For many in the international community, it has now become impossible to separate the competing narratives of China's awe-inspiring development and its poor record on human rights and the environment. It is no longer possible to discuss China's future without taking its internal fault lines seriously. For the Chinese government, the stakes are huge. China's credibility as a global leader, its potential as a model for the developing world, and its position as an emerging center of global business and culture are all at risk if these political challenges cannot be peacefully and successfully addressed.
TIANANMEN'S GHOSTS
Nothing has threatened to ruin China's Olympic moment as much as criticism of the country's repressive political system. China lost its bid for the 2000 Summer Olympics to Sydney, Australia, at least in part because of the memory of the violent Tiananmen Square crackdown of June 1989. When China made its bid for the 2008 Games, Liu Jingmin, vice president of the Beijing Olympic Bid Committee, argued, "By allowing Beijing to host the Games, you will help the development of human rights." François Carrard, director general of the International Olympic Committee, warily supported such a sentiment: acknowledging the seriousness of China's human rights violations, he nonetheless explained, "We are taking the bet that seven years from now ... we shall see many changes."
Thanks Amitava for the links
SPIEGEL: You were partly responsible for designing the Olympic Stadium, the so-called "Bird's Nest." Why are you now criticizing the Olympic Games?
Ai Weiwei: The government wants to use these games to celebrate itself and its policy of opening up China. But there isn't anything to celebrate. The political system is incapable of handling economic and social change. Now the system that caused these problems in the first place is struggling to remain in power. And who pays the price? Every individual in this society.
SPIEGEL: When the games were awarded to Beijing, many people hoped that China would also open up politically. Were you one of them?
Ai: China wants to be part of the world and to share its values. This is an important step for a society that has isolated itself for so long. That's why we were optimistic. By now, it has become clear to me that this hope of liberalization cannot be fulfilled.
SPIEGEL: Why not?
Ai: The system won't allow it. The party officials are using this opportunity to repair streets, build houses and clean up neighborhoods. Corruption is flourishing in the process. But people no longer have any confidence in this system and are no longer enthusiastic about it. No autocracy can lead people to believe that they are living in harmony and happiness. The games are a propaganda show, a giant masked ball. The outcome will be endless nonsense and boredom.
SPIEGEL: Were there consequences to your critical statements on the Internet?
Ai: The Internet is the best thing that could have happened to China. The Internet police ordered the provider sina.com to delete certain articles I had written. When I threatened to cancel my blogs, the articles remained online. But now many of my friends are warning me, telling me that I'm stupid and that they'll come to get me one day.
SPIEGEL: Will they?
Ai: I have no idea, and I don't care. I don't look into the future. I want to say what I have to say, and say it now.
SPIEGEL: Other critics of the Olympics have been arrested. Why haven't you?
Ai: I ask myself the same question. Maybe because I'm alone. I don't belong to any political group and am pretty much outside the system. The leadership has other problems. Besides, I am an artist. Artists are already seen as slightly crazy. Some say that I've been spared because of my father.
SPIEGEL: Your father was a famous poet.
Ai: But he too was banned for many years and was not permitted to write. Society has developed, and the situation isn't nearly as bad as it was in the past. A few years ago, I would certainly have ended up in prison.
Interview conducted by Andreas Lorenz
Foreign Affairs also has a critical analysis of China and the facade of the Olympic Games.
On the night of July 13, 2001, tens of thousands of people poured into Tiananmen Square to celebrate the International Olympic Committee's decision to award the 2008 Olympic Games to Beijing. Firecrackers exploded, flags flew high, and cars honked wildly. It was a moment to be savored. Chinese President Jiang Zemin and other leaders exhorted the crowds to work together to prepare for the Olympics. "Winning the host rights means winning the respect, trust, and favor of the international community," Wang Wei, a senior Beijing Olympic official, proclaimed. The official Xinhua News Agency reveled in the moment, calling the decision "another milestone in China's rising international status and a historical event in the great renaissance of the Chinese nation."
Hosting the Olympics was supposed to be a chance for China's leaders to showcase the country's rapid economic growth and modernization to the rest of the world. Domestically, it provided an opportunity for the Chinese government to demonstrate the Communist Party's competence and affirm the country's status as a major power on equal footing with the West. And wrapping itself in the values of the Olympic movement gave China the chance to portray itself not only as a rising power but also as a "peace-loving" country. For much of the lead-up to the Olympics, Beijing succeeded in promoting just such a message.
The process of preparing for the Games is tailor-made to display China's greatest political and economic strengths: the top-down mobilization of resources, the development and execution of grand-scale campaigns to reform public behavior, and the ability to attract foreign interest and investment to one of the world's brightest new centers of culture and business. Mobilizing massive resources for large infrastructure projects comes easily to China. Throughout history, China's leaders have drawn on the ingenuity of China's massive population to realize some of the world's most spectacular construction projects, the Great Wall, the Grand Canal, and the Three Gorges Dam among them. The Olympic construction spree has been no different. Beijing has built 19 new venues for the events, doubled the capacity of the subway, and added a new terminal to the airport. Neighborhoods throughout the city have been either spruced up to prepare for Olympic visitors or simply cleared out to make room for new Olympic sites. Official government spending for the construction bonanza is nearing $40 billion. In anticipation of the Olympics, the government has also embarked on a series of efforts to transform individual behavior and modernize the capital city. It has launched etiquette campaigns forbidding spitting, smoking, littering, and cutting in lines and introduced programs to teach English to cab drivers, police officers, hotel workers, and waiters. City officials have used Olympic projects as a means to refurbish decaying buildings and reduce air pollution, water shortages, and traffic jams.
Yet even as Beijing has worked tirelessly to ensure the most impressive of Olympic spectacles, it is clear that the Games have come to highlight not only the awesome achievements of the country but also the grave shortcomings of the current regime. Few in the central leadership seem to have anticipated the extent to which the Olympic Games would stoke the persistent political challenges to the legitimacy of the Communist Party and the stability of the country. Demands for political liberalization, greater autonomy for Tibet, increased pressure on Sudan, better environmental protection, and an improved product-safety record now threaten to put a damper on the country's coming-out party. As the Olympic torch circled the globe with legions of protesters in tow, Beijing's Olympic dream quickly turned into a public-relations nightmare.
Although the Chinese government excels when it comes to infrastructure projects, its record is poor when it comes to transparency, official accountability, and the rule of law. It has responded clumsily to internal and external political challenges -- by initially ignoring the international community's desire for China to play a more active role in resolving the human rights crisis in Darfur, arresting prominent Chinese political activists, and cracking down violently on demonstrators. Although there is no organized opposition unified around this set of demands, the cacophony of voices pressuring China to change its policies has taken much of the luster off of the Beijing Games. Moreover, although the Communist Party has gained domestic support from the nationalist backlash that has arisen in response to the Tibetan protesters and their supporters in the West, it also worries that this public anger will spin out of control, further damaging the country's international reputation. Already, China's coveted image as a responsible rising power has been tarnished.
For many in the international community, it has now become impossible to separate the competing narratives of China's awe-inspiring development and its poor record on human rights and the environment. It is no longer possible to discuss China's future without taking its internal fault lines seriously. For the Chinese government, the stakes are huge. China's credibility as a global leader, its potential as a model for the developing world, and its position as an emerging center of global business and culture are all at risk if these political challenges cannot be peacefully and successfully addressed.
TIANANMEN'S GHOSTS
Nothing has threatened to ruin China's Olympic moment as much as criticism of the country's repressive political system. China lost its bid for the 2000 Summer Olympics to Sydney, Australia, at least in part because of the memory of the violent Tiananmen Square crackdown of June 1989. When China made its bid for the 2008 Games, Liu Jingmin, vice president of the Beijing Olympic Bid Committee, argued, "By allowing Beijing to host the Games, you will help the development of human rights." François Carrard, director general of the International Olympic Committee, warily supported such a sentiment: acknowledging the seriousness of China's human rights violations, he nonetheless explained, "We are taking the bet that seven years from now ... we shall see many changes."
Thanks Amitava for the links
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